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Volume #19, Number #1

Published in June, 2015

  The flows of economic globalization highlight the tensions among
marketing logic, sovereignty, and human rights. What this comes to reveal
is the fact that a fully enclosed border becomes impractical, that is, the
functionality of the sovereign state in terms of controlling the border
has met its predicament. Under globalization, how will the new global
political community maintain its core values such as freedom, human
rights, democracy and justice, as the notion of sovereignty is no longer
viewed in terms of a unitary nation? Hence, the need to thoroughly reflect
on politics and its relevant concepts has become all the more urgent. We
can no longer continue to simplify notions such as a border, democracy or
citizenship under the rubric of a nation state. Instead, we have to rethink
and recompose these notions in the hope of finding a new way for today’s
political problem.
Balibar and Derrida unanimously propose the concepts of “frontier
democracy” and “democracy to come” in order to discuss the formation
of a nation state and the predicaments that it faces. Then the two concepts are considered in an attempt to respond to the question of the age of
globalization and to consider whether there is any space for hospitality for
the strangers in the new political community.
The concept of “democracy to come” will go beyond the sovereign
notion such as the nation state. However, this does not mean that we need
to abrogate the sovereignty of a nation, but to constantly engage in, reform,
and create new ways of sharing with the sovereign. As such, we can no
longer approach citizenship only from a unitary standpoint. By doing this,
the dominated border is opened, and the “strangers” such as refugees,
vagabonds, migrant workers, and people without documents (sans papiers)
are allowed to enter the system of “citizenship.” This not only provides
them with hospitality but also allows them to feel accepted and to know
their alterity again.
Deconstructive frontier democracy goes beyond notions such as
borders and citizens in the rubric of a sovereign nation, and seeks to
decriminalize notions such as being an illegal immigrant, smuggling, and
statelessness. This way of approaching the issues drives us to go beyond
the notion of a nation state in order to form a sort of citizenship without
community (citoyenneté sans communauté). In addition, it enables us to
realize the idea/ideal of being a world citizen—that is, being human and
in a space reflecting openness and multiplicity—which makes the task of
rethinking the border become an existential foundation.

Shih-chian Hung

Brownfield redevelopment is meant to correct environmental
injustice but the redevelopment process and benefit distribution could result
in injustice again. However, brownfield redevelopment justice has rarely
drawn public attention because people wrongly believe that a revitalized
brownfield site indicates that justice has been served for pollution victims.
To evoke discussions on brownfield redevelopment justice, this paper
focuses on justice issues involved in processing brownfield revitalization,
including the application of several main justice perceptions, as shaped
by Bentham, Nozick, Kant and Rawls, on brownfield practice, and the
examination of the justice perceptions held by the authors of the current
brownfield redevelopment literature. This paper finds that the justice
presented in the current literature can be classified into two categories.
There is that literature which believes in utilitarianism and laissez-faire
which emphasizes an efficient redevelopment process. There is also
other literature that believes in freedom and equality, which emphasizes
distributive justice, including the equal distribution of redevelopment
opportunities among brownfield communities and the equal distribution of
redevelopment benefits among stakeholders. In addition, there is procedural justice, with its focus on meaningful public participation in the decisionmaking
process. This paper contends that the justice perceptions that are
discussed are not contradictory to each other when applied to brownfield
redevelopment and concludes that a human-respecting justice perception
should be developed for brownfield redevelopment embedded in a specific
Taiwanese social context.

Tsuey-ping Lee

While conventional statistical methods usually assume that the error
term in the models are independent and identically distributed (i.i.d.),
this assumption is usually violated when observations are interdependent
due to the strategic interactions among players. The violation of the i.i.d
assumption results in the inefficient estimation of standard errors that can
further invalidate the hypothesis testing. This paper discusses the method
of statistical backward induction (SBI) developed by Curtis S. Signorino
and his coauthors that can be used to analyze different kinds of strategic
interactions in politics, such as electoral competitions, party coalitions,
and international conflicts. After demonstrating how to derive the SBI
estimator, this paper applies SBI to analyze how the U.S. government
uses the Special 301 Report to coerce its trade partners into protecting the
intellectual property rights (IPR) of American products. It shows that one
country’s trade surplus with the U.S. is a key determinant for the U.S. to
nominate this trade partner in the Special 301 Report. Meanwhile, it is the dependence on the U.S. market that affects the nominated country’s
decision to ignore or comply with the U.S. threat of trade retaliation
implied by the Special 301 Report.

Wen-chin Wu

The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that the influence of an
internationalizing coalition on political leaders is a key mediating variable
in the relationship between trade interdependence and international
conflict. In the literature, scholars have contradicting theories and empirical
conclusions about whether trade interdependence promotes peace or
conflict. In this article, I argue that, dyadically, the pacifying effect of trade
interdependence is conditional upon the influence of an internationalizing
coalition on both political leaders. When the support of internationalizing
coalitions is important to both leaders’ political survival, the leaders will be
more reluctant to use militarized measures to solve international disputes
because the use of force will compromise the internationalizing coalitions’
opportunity to make money. On the other hand, if the support from the
internationalizing coalitions is not important to both leaders’ political survival, the leaders will feel less constrained to use militarized measures.
The underlying assumption is that internationalizing coalitions always
prefer a peaceful and stable commercial environment to a conflictual one,
because a conflictual situation hurts their commercial interests. I use a
game-theoretical model to demonstrate the logic of this theory and then
test it with logit and generalized estimating equations (GEE) models
using data from 1962 to 2001. Besides, the game-theoretical model also
points to a phenomenon that is worth paying attention to: as the influence
of internationalizing coalitions on both political leaders increases, the
probability of a militarized interstate dispute decreases, but this does not
guarantee a positive peace-under some situations peace is built under the
disguise of successful coercions. Based on this finding, a policy implication
regarding the Cross-Strait relationship is suggested in the last part of this
paper.

Chien-wu Hsueh

Policy representation has been one of the foremost topics in political
science. The pre-condition is the stability of policy preferences. While
individual opinions may be influenced by many sources, scholars have
found the macro level of opinion to be stable. The disaggregation of
survey data may lead to the problem of a large standard deviation being
encountered due to the small number of observations in some counties.
Therefore, multilevel regression with post-stratification (MRP) is used to
estimate public opinion toward budget spending on social welfare between
2007 and 2013. These MRP estimates are validated. However, this data
analysis shows mixed results regarding the stability of public opinion in
Taiwan.

Chia-hung Tsai