By searching the Journal Citation Reports of the Social Sciences
Citation Index database, this study investigates the characteristics and
compares the differences in citation data for 83 political science journals.
The journal citation data that are explored include times cited, the impact
factor, the immediacy index, citing half-life, cited half-life, the self-citing
rate (synchronous self-citation) and the self-cited rate (diachronous selfcitation).
Moreover, the relationships between the various citation data and
the two self-citation rates are examined using statistical tests.
Volume #13, Number #2
Published in December, 2009
By searching the Journal Citation Reports of the Social Sciences
The purpose of this study is to probe into the effects of party turnover
in 2000 on the behavior of legislators in terms of law-making and
constituency service. The findings of this study are as follows. First of all,
in terms of law-making, the evidence clearly shows that legislators of both
the Kuomintang and Democratic Progressive Party change their mode of
behavior regarding legal proposals. That is, both sets of legislators make
more legal proposals when their party is out of office than when their party
is in office. Second, in terms of policy questions, before the party turnover
in 2000, there was no difference between the behavior of the Kuomintang
legislators who were in power and the legislators of the other parties.
However, after the shift in the balance of power in 2000, the legislators’
behavior in regard to the policy questions of both the Kuomintang and
Democratic Progressive Party changed. That is, Democratic Progressive
Party legislators became less positive toward policy questions than the
legislators of the other parties when the Democratic Progressive Party
became the ruling party. On the other hand, the Kuomintang legislators
became more positive toward policy questions when the Kuomintang
became the opposition party than when the Kuomintang was the ruling party.
Third, in terms of budget and expenditure questions, before the change in
the ruling party in 2000, legislators of the opposition parties were more
positive toward budget and expenditure questions than legislators from the
Kuomintang. However, after the election in 2000, Kuomintang legislators became more positive toward budget and expenditure questions, while
legislators of the Democratic Progressive Party become more negative
toward budget and expenditure questions. Finally, in terms of constituency
service, after the election in 2000, Democratic Progressive Party legislators
devoted more time and energy to consistency service. Regardless of the
proportion of working time spent in consistency service, the size of the
electorate and the number of red and white envelopes, legislators of the
Democratic Progressive Party became more consistent in their service than
The position of the Taiwanese people over unification-independence
issue assumes enormous practical importance and at the same time attracts
numerous scholarly debates. The primary concern of these debates is
how to clarify the issue entangled with “principles” and “pragmatism”
and then uncover the genuine preferences of the Taiwanese people. For
the purpose, lots of measurements have been developed and evaluated.
The focus of the paper is those who prefer “status-quo” in the traditional
unification-independence measurement. As our interviews suggest, the
“status-quo” for many Taiwanese is more often a practical choice without
enough alternatives than an expression of preference without substantial
constraints. Given such understanding, the study thus introduces Wu’s
“conditional questions” to help separate people’s preference from
practicality. With both “genuine preferences” and “practical choice” at
hand, the paper goes on to find out who persistently uphold their principles
and who else withdraw and stay with a more practical “status-quo”.
Previous studies on the experiences of Taiwanese people in China
often discuss whether they would gradually assimilate into the Chinese
society and identify themselves as being Chinese instead of being
Taiwanese. Since the issue of political identity and the relationship across
the Strait have caused disputes among people in Taiwan in the past decade,
it is difficult to explore their self-identification in China. Therefore, it is no
surprise that little consensus has been reached among researchers on this
This paper is based on information collected by participant observation
and informal interviews on 51 respondents in Dongguan and Shanghai in
2004-2005, continuous contacts by phone and email in 2005-2007, and revisits
in 2008. By analyzing the information from various respondents on
the residential pattern indicator, it is clear that Taiwanese people assimilate
little into Chinese society. Although most respondents seem to be involved
with the local community, there is an invisible but substantial gap between
themselves and the Chinese. This “being together, but not mixed”
interaction caused by the fear of downward mobility is quite unusual, and
will be further discussed in another paper.
This article attempts to explore Ronald Dworkin’s democracy from
the perspective of constitutional liberalism. The core of Dworkin’s political
philosophy is “equality”. However, is egalitarian liberalism possible in
democratic life? Or what is democracy in a constitutional practice sense?
In reviewing his works, I argue that Dworkin has not only developed
constitutional liberalism but has also justified a theory of democracy based
on a moral reading of the constitution, that is, not a majoritarian democracy
but rather a constitutional democracy, or a “partnership democracy”
in Dworkin’s words. Such a democracy is really a genuine democracy
because there are three political ideals: “popular sovereignty,” “citizen
equality,” and “democratic discourse” in partnership democracy.
There are three parts to my arguments. First, in the theoretical grounds
for democracy, I discuss the essentials of Dworkin’s jurisprudence and
the relationships among equality, the constitution and democracy, and the
two principles of human dignity as common ground in the political debate
to reveal the arguments underlying Dworkin’s democratic reasoning.
For Dworkin, it is a very important clue that might otherwise be ignored.
Secondly, in justifying the theory of democracy, this article answers two
philosophical questions in order to analyze what does Dworkin mean
of partnership democracy and its characteristics: (1) Is a judicial review
undemocratic? (2) Is there any conflict between constitutionalism and
democracy? Finally, based on J?rgen Habermas’ deliberative democracy
that criticizes Dworkin’s thought, I think that partnership democracy signifies the importance of the constitutional regime but is too utopian.
In challenging Dworkin’s arguments, this article evaluates and critically
reflects the whole of Dworkin’s theory of democracy.